The agreement generally includes the matching of the value of a grammatical category between different elements of a sentence (or sometimes between sentences, as in some cases where a pronoun agrees with its predecessor or its reference opinion). Some categories that often trigger grammatical chords are listed below. Although we do not yet have a statistical number of examples that go against the hierarchy of people, we have the impression that examples such as (28) – correspondence with a third person about a first person or a second person – are quite rare, at least with ditransitive verbs. It is even more difficult to make convincing generalizations about examples where the two internal arguments are the first and the second person, because the contexts of such sentences are quite unusual.  A second difference between manifestations of oblique match with transitive and inex semitic strains is the bandwidth of authorized participants. With respect to oblique agreement with transitive verbs, as stated in this document, the argument control agreement can be any person (1, 2 or 3) and any number (against earlier descriptions, cf. 16). However, in the case of an oblique agreement with unenforceable strains, we have so far found that an agreement is only possible with third-party owners/oblique arguments. Councillors (at least in Sedanka) systematically reject examples such as Volodins (32a) with a plural second-person owner. The following examples are representative. In (12a), the complex suffix -sxi`n [2pl>3pl] refers to the characteristics of the subject and the object (direct). In (12b), only the characteristics of the transitive subject [2pl] are expressed by the suffix-sx. And finally, in (12c-d), we have a minimal pair in which mood influences the choice of the souffl? of concordance with an object [2sg] and [3sg] object.
In nomine sentences, the adjectives do not show a match with the noun, although pronouns do. z.B. a sz?p k-nyveitekkel “with your beautiful books” (“sz?p”: nice): the suffixes of the plural, the possessive “your” and the fall marking “with” are marked only on the name. Our analysis also highlights the nature of multiple exposure in match systems, i.e. in cases where a single characteristic appears to be expressed by more than one morpheme. We submitted that the most concise presentation of the morphology of the Itelmen Agreement considers the expression of the characteristics of the subject in the suffixes as the reflex of a mechanism that copies the characteristics of their primary place of exposure (in the case of the Itelmen, the prefixes) to provide characteristics for a mandatory position that would otherwise be unoccupied. Abstract by the complication resulting from the Class II mark when the subject is a second person singularity (see section 2.2 and footnote 12), we can extract the 6×3 of correspondence for singular objects from table 3 (and examples (11)-12).) Note that the only robust generalization about these forms is that the shape of the suffix expresses the number of the object (i.e. by the glottalization of “n,” or a glottalized “n” – written – the regular nominal plural throughout the language), but otherwise is conditioned by the characteristics (person, number) of the subject. To illustrate the following examples of chukchen or alutor (23b) where plural coherence with the direct object, not the indirect, is as follows: the basic verb of the itel consists of a strain of verb, various folding materials and – most peripheral – aspirations of agreement: a prefix (sometimes zero) and one or more tools of agreement. See (4): Such a concordance is also found with predictors: man is great (“man is great”) vs.
the chair is large (“the chair is large”). (In some languages, such as German. B, that is not the case; only the attribute modifiers show the agreement.)  It is not clear whether there is a direct agreement with the local marked source or if it is more accurately described as an agreement with a hidden affect or dative owner, “z.B. I took his mushrooms from my friend.” See section 4.3 below.